11 March 2009
Let me ask you
to observe a minute’s silence for the deceased Signatories to the Act of
Independence, Members of the Supreme Council – Reconstituent Seimas of the
Republic of Lithuania, and for all those fallen in the battle for the
Independence of Lithuania.
Thank you.
Your Excellency
President Valdas Adamkus, President Algirdas Brazauskas, Prime Minister,
Chairman of the Reconstituent Seimas Vytautas Landsbergis, dear Signatories,
fellow Members of the Seimas, diplomats of the foreign countries, ladies and
gentlemen,
Nineteen years
in the life of a country or a nation is not many. But some dates are deeply
engraved in our memory and it is not important any more when the event took
place – a decade ago, a quarter of a century ago, or nineteen years ago. These
events predetermine the turns in history while their participants and witnesses
change the development of the society. The events are not to be judged from the
perspective of time because they were equally important back then as they are
now. We judge them in terms of the work done or the content and weight of the
word spoken or printed. The 11 March is one of such dates.
Nobody should
forget Juozas Urbđys’ testament to our nation, ‘History is a live and
continuous process. The things that happened have no ultimate or finite
meaning, instead, they continue and take place within us – now and always.’
Thus, today,
when commemorating the Day of Independence Restoration, we remember all those
who sacrificed themselves on the altar of our motherland’s freedom – the
participants of the Lithuanian Activist Front, the participants of the June
uprising, the participants of the underground movement, the deportees, and the
victims of 13 January. Today is the right time to overview the contribution of
the people who did their best in leading Lithuania along the path of freedom.
The idea of
Lithuania’s freedom was alive during the entire period of occupation. The
attempts were made to make it a reality, which took different ways and forms
varying from open fight to silent resistance. Today it is not really important
who and how made a contribution to reaching Lithuania’s independence faster by
publishing bulletins and memorandums of the Chief Committee for Lithuania’s
Liberation; by being among the nine students expelled from A. Vienuolis
secondary school for dissident activities; by establishing the Catholic Committee for the Defence of Believers' Rights; by secretly disseminating the Chronicle of Catholic
Church in Lithuania or
other underground press; by hoisting the three coloured Lithuanian flag on the
roof of their school; by belonging to the Helsinki Group; or by refusing to
serve in the soviet army. All of them have demonstrated that it was possible to
live a different life – without compromises or lies. They believed in Lithuania
and performed a historic task by allowing those, who did not dare speak, did
not know how to speak, or were not able to speak, to express their feelings
through those who acted.
First of all,
allow me to express my gratitude to the people of Lithuania – the men and women
who led us through their work and creation along the rocky path into a better
and safer life.
Let me thank the
politicians, Signatories, Chairman of the Reconstituent Seimas Vytautas
Landsbergis, Presidents of the Republic of Lithuania: Algirdas Brazauskas and
Valdas Adamkus, who have been strengthening the brick building of the
Lithuanian state constructed on the foundations laid by the Act of 11 March for
nineteen years.
Thanks to these
people, Lithuania re-entered the map of the world as a free and democratic
state. Membership of the EU and NATO speaks explicitly about the political
situation of Lithuania and defines our country’s state of affairs and its
values: democracy and respect for human rights, Lithuania’s market economy, as
well as its geopolitical aims of security, stability, and a welfare state in
Europe.
Lithuania has
achieved international recognition and authority, started reforms a decade
before its accession to the EU and is still pursuing them, actively supports
further enlargement of the EU, shares its experience with the potential EU
candidate states in the East; however, it suffers an internal crisis now. Again
and again we speak about moral recession, a gap between the state and its
citizens, lack of trust in each other, and many other negative phenomena.
If today we
asked ourselves, ‘What is a
state after all?’ the answer would be ambiguous. Some might say that a state is
us; others might say that a state is a political organization that exists in a
certain territory; still others might say that a state is an organized
political community with the supreme power. All of them would be right.
I would like to
refer to the first group. How many people today identify themselves with the
state? With Lithuania, with our motherland, with the nation, yes - with pride
and respect we identify ourselves with the land, language, culture, and history
of our parents rather than the state or civic rights and obligations. We
perceive Lithuania as something ephemeral, romantic, and sentimental. In the
majority of our minds there is the image of sovereign Lithuania which existed
for a short time. The Lithuanian state established by the King Mindaugas in the
13th century is the most important source of statehood; it is the
source from which we draw the feelings that serve as a background for our
national identity and national pride. However, despite the colourful myths and
legends, the Mindaugas’ Lithuania can hardly be a model for a contemporary
modern state.
At this point it
would be timely to cite one young emigrant scientist, ‘I am a representative of
a small but proud nation. For hundreds of years our country was renowned for
its magnificent soldiers and hard working farmers. It has green fields,
valleys, and meadows; summers in blossom depicted in hundreds of outstanding
pieces of literature ... This is the Lithuania I know. I am proud of it and
without hesitation I am saying – I am a Lithuanian. Unfortunately, I am an
emigrant. Probably for the rest of my life. It is hard to acknowledge the fact
and it is painful to understand that my country does not need me.’
Doesn’t it
really need you?
Today we ask
ourselves what we need to feel comfortable, dignified, and safe on our own soil
so that our children brought up here could feel full-fledged citizens with a
deep sense of patriotism, pride, responsibility, and love for their country.
The
contraposition between the state and its citizens, which developed in the
process of history and which became even more ingrained during the soviet
period, has not been mastered yet. The political culture with prevailing
attitudes and behaviours developed by the soviet system still exists in our
country. Short Lithuania’s independence between the two world wars and a hard
transitional post-communist period have also left their print.
In my opinion,
first of all, we lack trust. We lack trust in each other; people lack trust in
those in power; and those in power lack trust in their voters. This is
demonstrated by especially low ratings of the Seimas and the parties, as well
as by dissatisfaction with those in power. This is becoming systematic and does
not depend on what political force is in power. If you have power, you
automatically become an enemy; if you are a politician or a civil servant – you
are automatically considered a bribe taker and a corrupt person. Any ideas or
suggestions by the government are met with hostility and anger.
We have to admit
that the media has done a disservice for developing such a negative public
opinion. Absolutely negative criticism, accusation of those in power, and
exceptionally bad news – sometimes it seems that Lithuania is a black hole in
the universe and almost impossible to live in. I am not against criticism
because it is the driving force of politics. Nonetheless, even the fiercest
criticism can be well-meaning, aimed at changing things rather than just
victimizing or setting against. The people, affected by such news, become
disconcerted; they loose initiative and become indifferent. The majority of
Lithuanian people are unhappy with their living conditions; they are convinced
that the state serves the interests of small interest groups rather than all
the citizens; and they think that their involvement in political issues will
not change a thing. All this breeds cynicism towards politics and a feeling of
alienation among the members of the society; it increases social disparity
between ‘them’ and ‘me’.
I am not being
defensive and I will not do that – politicians have really distanced themselves
from the people. Some, in fact, think that their interests are above the
interests of the people and identify themselves with the state while people are
considered residents separated from the state; an unintegrated part of the
state or, in the best case, residing somewhere nearby. Such a society is easy
to manipulate because it is open and credulous.
It is highly
necessary to begin a sincere dialogue between government institutions and NGOs
by engaging them more in addressing the challenges. We must communicate with
people, representatives of the society, and our political opponents. We must
explain each step we make, each decision we take. The most important thing is
for the society to understand the necessity and well-meaning intentions behind
the unpopular decisions.
Finally, the
moral standards must be enshrined and adhered to irrespective of whether you
are a member of the Seimas, other high standing official, or an ordinary
citizen of Lithuania. When all of us learn to read the laws in the same way and
when we enforce them without any exceptions or reasoning that suits us, we will
be able to enjoy trust in each other.
The contemporary
state’s success story depends on the society’s trust. When the people do not
feel close relationship with the state they loose the sense of responsibility
to the state, to the society, and to their nation. But a better life cannot be
created only by the government’s top down initiative. Without overcoming
political alienation we will not be able to create an independent society
capable of addressing its problems.
The scale of
political alienation reveals the weakness and vulnerability of the Lithuanian
civil society. Haven’t we received a clear signal that more and more young
people lack the feeling of belonging? I have in mind people who commit suicide.
We should see to it that a young person, who does not want to face loneliness
and looks for affinity groups, joins the communities which encourage studies,
work, implementation of future dreams rather than suicide. I understand it as
our responsibility, the responsibility of politicians together with parents and
school communities.
A new attitude
towards the relationship between the state and its citizens needs to be
developed. The promotion of citizenship should become our aim, because the
absence of citizenship destroys the solidarity of communities, the crime rate
goes up, the families break up, and the children suffer.
The findings of
the study carried out by UNICEF were very sad too – the young citizens of
Lithuania feel unhappiest in the whole of Europe. How can it be otherwise when
parents (according to the same study) communicate with them only 7 minutes per
day. In Lithuania it is necessary and expedient to implement very purposeful
family oriented policy and strengthen the institution of family. The role of
the church is highly significant in this respect.
One of the most
important aims of the state is social protection. However, it should be
perceived as protection against various types of risks which can lead to social
exclusion. The social policy of Lithuania is oriented to social support rather
than long-term social investment. The state pays too little attention to the
activeness of the people and to enhancing independence. We will provide the
conditions for people to earn for their living, to have a dignified life, and
feel needed only through the implementation of different support and employment
projects and through the promotion of entrepreneurship, so that no one feels
humiliated with the hand stretched out.
We have
forgotten the traditional values of our nation: honesty, hard work and dignity,
personal and national self-respect. We seldom speak about them in public. These
words were withdrawn from the daily circulation; they are no longer used in
educating children. Neither social nor crime or identity related problems could
be completely perceived or addressed without these values.
We have always
defended the common human values and we will continue to do that in the future.
This being the case, we will defend the interests of such countries as Georgia
in their pursuit of freedom and independence. Who can better understand their
desire to have independent management of affairs in their own state than we
can?
I think we have
reached that critical limit where we have to stop twaddling and working for the
ratings and start practising different modes of behaviour and taking concrete
actions. They say that each person experiences a battle between the rational
and the emotional – between mind and heart. In this case, let’s do what the
heart is telling us to do. Beyond any doubts, we will do the right thing.
Dear all,
I have mentioned
the most painful social problems which we all see and feel. I have no intention
of spoiling your festive mood, but I would like to draw your attention to the
things which are for us to be changed. Let’s have the slogan ‘Lithuania is for
Lithuania’. As Apostle Paul taught us, ‘Carry each other’s burden,’ we should
work shoulder to shoulder, unite our efforts and we will have the state that we
are looking for outside Lithuania and, in most instances, fail to find. We will
have the state that was the dream of our grandparents and parents. We will have
the state that we desire for our children and ourselves.
I trust in
Lithuania. I trust in the creative potential of its people. I trust in its free
and sensible future.
