22 March 2011
Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine,
Marshal of the Senate of the Republic of Poland,
Members of Assembly Delegations,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I will start my speech from an unexpected reference. I had been pondering on things to say during my address to the participants and guests of the fourth session of the Trilateral Parliamentary Assembly in Kiev for some time, until I suddenly heard a Lithuanian song with the following lyrics, Greet each other, as doing this is so easy. Greet each other on having a sunny day, spring, anything surprise them all
Indeed, it is easy to shake hands openly, the European way, showing there is nothing up our sleeves and we do not bear any grudge. I encourage us to look at each other openly and speak to each other clearly, as instead of spreading division this is what helps us find the issues that unite us.
The Trilateral Assembly will always address the puzzle of hastening Ukraines integration into the European Union, the family of European nations to which this country has always belonged and wherefrom it was separated for long decades owing to merciless historical blows.
European integration has been an ongoing process for six decades now. More often than not, the process is depicted as an aim in itself. What the perpetuators of this image politicians, experts, and political analysts seem to suggest is that there was no European integration before mid-1950s, as if there had been no country uniting Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine, no union where the first democratic Constitution in Europe was masterminded. We are compelled to forget our history and our Christian origins and adopt an overtly narrow and technocratic approach to future instead. We are encouraged to reduce the broad concept of European unity to the confines of the customs union, free trade, European production standards, and the monetary union. Is it not high time to question the foundations of our common European future?
Unfortunately, discourse on value-based European integration is usually limited to abstract references to common European identity, often associated with democracy and human rights bodies and symbols of European values. However, the content of these terms as well as the very European identity itself evades clear description and is often a matter of political interpretation. It is common knowledge that the opponents of the EU enlargement policy are particularly prone to use the European identity notion as a political tool to define the cultural limits of the European Union. In the meantime, the understanding of the European identity as a concept in Lithuania differs from the one held by opponents of EU enlargement. This is why Lithuania firmly believes that unless Ukraine becomes a full-fledged EU member state, the construction of a common European security will definitely be far from being accomplished.
Therefore, the objective of our Assembly today is to raise awareness in as many EU member states as possible about the fact that the decision to refuse at least distant EU membership prospect to Ukraine cannot be final. Ukraine is not a neighbour of Europe; it is a European EU neighbour.
I wish the last sentence to be heard and understood particularly well. It is up to the EU to determine where Europe begins and where it ends, and this should be done in unequivocal terms. The EU should equally display an unequivocal stance on the values that make up the core of the European identity. Economic, financial, and other protectionist interests cannot be promoted under the guise of the European identity if the EU truly wants to be a union of values.
This time, the Assembly encounters a serious challenge, as there are many ways to cover the subjects of identity, history, and historical heritage. One may search for things that unite us, or openly analyse the reasons behind the factors that divide us. Beyond doubt, we all have our own understanding of the European identity as well as the relations between various nations in our region, Central and Eastern Europe.
Let me raise several issues as food for thought so that we can search for the answers together. Where does Europe start and where does it end? What is the core of the modern European identity? Which historical periods, prominent personalities, and events bring Lithuanian, Polish, and Ukrainian identities closer together, and which ones have the power to divide us? What would Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine want to change in the historical memory of the neighbouring states, in their identity maps and attitudes? What measures and projects should be implemented to ensure the uniting and not the dividing factors are the ones that dominate in our relations? Clearly, these and similar questions are a mere introduction to ensuing cohesive discussion and long-term work. Nevertheless, this is exactly the way I understand the objective and the prospects of our Assembly and our discussion.
Thank you.
