
Address by Gitanas Nausėda, President of the Republic of Lithuania, at the NATO Parliamentary Assembly Spring Session in Vilnius
Press release, 1 June 2026 (News ● Photos ● Broadcasts and videos)
Distinguished President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, Speaker of the Seimas, Prime Minister, NATO Deputy Secretary General, Commissioner Kubilius, Members of Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is my pleasure to warmly welcome you to the Spring Session of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly in Vilnius.
This meeting comes at a time of profound geopolitical change. The rules-based international order is under pressure, strategic competition is intensifying, and military power has once again become a central factor in international affairs.
To navigate this rapidly changing environment, we must be prepared not only to react, but also to act with unity, confidence, and strength. More than ever, we must defend what we have worked so hard to achieve: our freedom, our security, and our democratic way of life.
At this crucial moment, Lithuania stands together with our Allies as a proud member of NATO – the strongest Alliance in history. And I am proud to say that NATO’s commitment to defend every inch of Allied territory remains ironclad. Our adversaries would be wise not to test our resolve.
An important role is played by the NATO Parliamentary Assembly as NATO continues to adapt to a changing strategic environment. By strengthening democratic oversight, shaping public debate, and reinforcing the transatlantic bond, you contribute directly to the security of both Europe and North America.
Looking ahead, our task is not to search for alternatives to the transatlantic relationship, but to strengthen it further. Two objectives – a stronger Europe and a sustained American commitment – do not exclude each other. They remain mutually reinforcing pillars of Allied security.
Only a stronger Europe will become a more capable and credible Ally for the United States. And only a strong transatlantic bond will provide the foundation for lasting peace and stability across the Euro-Atlantic area.
At this point, there is also no escaping the fact that the future of European security is being decided in Ukraine.
But first, Russia must be stopped. It has to be contained, not courted. Renewed calls for engagement with Moscow do not reflect Europe’s security needs. Failing to set clear conditions and build credible deterrence would be more likely to embolden the aggressor than moderate its behavior.
The only way forward for the Allies is through a combination of military strength, deterrence, resilience, and sustained support for Ukraine.
We have to increase pressure on Russia until the Kremlin understands that aggression will never prevail.
We must also significantly strengthen Ukraine’s deterrence and defense capabilities in the short, medium, and long term.
This includes sustained military assistance, industrial cooperation, long-term security commitments, and full implementation of initiatives such as the Prioritized Ukraine Requirement List.
If every NATO Ally committed just 0.25 percent of GDP annually to Ukraine, together we would generate approximately 143 billion dollars each year for Ukraine’s defense and Europe’s security.
The resources are there. What we need most is political will and fair burden-sharing.
History will judge us not by our declarations, but by our actions. We must rise to the occasion and treat Ukraine’s defense as a collective security imperative.
Ukraine has already bought us precious time that must not be wasted. Europe must become stronger and faster.
The real challenge today is not a lack of awareness. It is a lack of speed.
Defense industrial expansion remains too slow. Capability development takes too long. Innovation lags behind the realities of the battlefield.
Every day, Ukraine demonstrates the rapid evolution of modern warfare. It is our duty to learn faster and translate those lessons into procurement, industrial production, force development, and operational concepts across the Alliance.
This is particularly important in the field of air and missile defense.
Recent incidents involving violations of NATO airspace highlight the urgent need to invest more in air defense capabilities, including drone and counter-drone systems, acoustic sensors, and integrated air and missile defense architecture.
NATO’s Enhanced Vigilance Activities, including Baltic Sentry and Eastern Sentry, should continue for as long as necessary and be properly resourced.
It is also essential to ensure a stronger NATO presence in the air domain across the Baltic region and the wider Eastern Flank. The new NATO Integrated Air and Missile Defense Plan should become one of the key deliverables of the Ankara Summit.
To achieve these objectives, European Allies must continue increasing defense spending and assume a larger share of responsibility for collective security.
Lithuania is leading by example. This year we are allocating 5.38 percent of GDP to defense.
This is ultimately a matter of political will and strategic priorities.
On the other hand, NATO’s role cannot be viewed solely through a lens of geography.
While collective defense remains our primary mission, Allied solidarity cannot stop at NATO’s borders. When developments elsewhere directly affect our security, we must act accordingly.
The ongoing conflict involving Iran demonstrates how instability beyond Europe can threaten freedom of navigation, global trade, and Allied interests.
For this reason, discussions about Allied contributions to missions beyond NATO territory are entirely legitimate. Such contributions do not weaken collective defense. On the contrary, they reinforce NATO’s strategic relevance and demonstrate solidarity with the United States.
Lithuania therefore supports efforts aimed at safeguarding freedom of navigation and maritime security, including initiatives led by the United States, the United Kingdom, and France.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
As we approach the Ankara Summit, we need a positive and ambitious story.
A story about Allied unity.
A story about continued American commitment to European security.
A story about a stronger Europe assuming greater responsibility within a stronger Alliance, which some have already begun calling NATO 3.0 .
While the United States remains Europe’s indispensable Ally, we must continue strengthening European capabilities and the defense industrial base. These goals do not contradict each other. They reinforce one another.
We should not allow artificial narratives about a transatlantic divide to distract us from our common purpose.
Neither Europe nor North America can guarantee security alone.
Our adversaries would benefit from division. We must not allow it!
Thank you.


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